| Title |
International
Migrations
in Latin America and the Caribbean
Edition Nº 65
May-August 2002
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| Author: |
Permanent Secretariat of SELA |
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Index |
REFLECTIONS ON SKILLED
MIGRATION
Adela Pellegrino
Population Program, Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de la República
(Uruguay).
I.
The Current Context and International Migration
The issue of international migration is of priority importance within the international
agenda. It is also of foremost importance within the receiving countries, most of which
have witnessed significant conflicts between immigrants and natives to the point that such
conflicts are now at the center of national politics. Even though the relevance and
international character of this phenomenon has been acknowledged, international
organizations still view the issue of migration as secondary. Nevertheless, during the
last decade the idea has taken hold that migration policies must be considered within
international fora. Also, in June 2002 the European Union discussed the possibility of
adopting common policies in order to stop the flow of immigrants from countries outside
the Union, just as in the past it adopted measures to facilitate the movement within the
region of citizens of countries belonging to the Union.
In the discussions on this phenomenon some of the important contradictions of the new
international context have become apparent: while developed countries promote, to a
greater or lesser extent, the liberal approach regarding the circulation of capitals and
goods, the migration of workers and their settling in their territories is severely
controlled by national laws. This lack of consistency in the liberal approach stems from
the need to avoid the conflicts caused by competition between national workers and
migrants and by other more global processes such as renewed nationalism accompanied by
xenophobia and a rejection of those who are "different" that have gained ground
in countries of the north during the last decades.
In receiving countries, the distinction between "citizens" and non-citizens, as
well as between legal and "illegal" immigrants has created differences between
people as regards their rights. Discussions on the "integration" of immigrants,
the rights of ethnic or national minorities have become a key issue on the agenda of
immigrants' receiving countries.
On the other hand, migrants' countries of origin often benefit from their peoples'
emigration. Not only does emigration lessen the tensions caused by unemployment, it also
often represents an important source of income, providing, in some cases, a larger income
than that derived from exports
In the year 2000 migrations affected approximately 150,000,000 people, that is, 2.5% of
the world's population (OIM, 2000). As a whole, this number is of little relevance,
however the effects of migrations are not homogeneous and some regions are more affected
than others.
The so-called "global cities" (Sassen, 1988, 1991) have become a meeting point
for migrants from the most diverse regions of the world. Thus, they tend to be
characterized by their inhabitants' ethnic, religious and cultural diversity.
On the other hand, not only have migration movements increased significantly, they have
also acquired multiple forms. The development of communications and transportation allows
for a greater variety of migration modalities, as regards both duration of stay and the
frequency of movements and multiplicity of residences. This mobility allows for greater
links with the countries of origin and, thus, a higher rate or repatriations. Because of
this situation and a growing tendency towards the re-valorization of national and ethnic
identities, migration instead of diluting feelings of belonging to a certain ethnic group
or nation tends to stimulate them, thus causing more intense links with the country of
origin and fellow nationals and a tendency to reject the assimilation of other cultural
models, which is a sign of adaptation to the receiving societies.
One generalized modality is to work in projects that transcend boundaries, while remaining
in the countries or regions of origin. The use of telecommunications allows for
"virtual time" communications. The argument that, in essence, this represents
migration is debatable, to the extent that it does not imply the physical movement of
people. However, this modality does represent a new and particular mode of integration to
markets. It establishes new labor relations in which labor, social security, tax and
co-habitation norms face situations that challenge society's organization and peoples'
relations with nation states.
1. Future Tendencies
Even though determining future tendencies is not an easy task, many factors indicate that
powerful forces are at play that shall continue to stimulate and increase the movement of
people from countries in the South to countries in the North. It is also a fact that
receiving countries establish ever-stricter limitations to the influx of migrants.
During the last decades inequalities in economic growth and regarding the possibilities to
achieve a certain quality of life have tended to increase, just as inequalities between
social sectors within countries have also escalated. This, together with the
internationalization of the means of communication, which not only allows for greater
access to information but also contributes to the diffusion of developed countries'
life-styles and consumer patterns, causes a "globalization of aspirations" that
stimulates international migration in order to gain access to such life-styles or at least
get in closer contact to them.
On the other hand, developed countries are experiencing an advanced stage of demographic
transition or have already achieved that which some authors define as a "second
demographic transition". These situations are characterized by a significant
reduction in the population growth rate, which in some cases is already negative, and a
related process of aging population due to the reversal in fertility rates began decades
ago and to lower adult mortality rates.
This situation causes a deficit in the number of young people who enter the job market, as
well as a growing imbalance between the active and the passive population that affects
social security systems. A recent United Nations report, "Replacement
Migration", (United Nations Population Division, 2000) caused much concern at the
international level by predicting the possibility of significant increases in the number
of migrants from the demographically active countries of the South to the industrialized
countries with an aging population and a negative or slow population growth rate.
The UN projections referred to eight countries: France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the
Republic of Korea, the Russian Federation, the United States of America, the United
Kingdom as well as Europe and the European Union viewed as units. The study envisaged five
alternative scenarios to stimulate the "replacement migration" that would be
needed to stop these countries' negative population growth rate:
In the first scenario the
number of migrants is calculated based on the 1998 revision of United Nations population
estimates, in its median variation1.
The second is 1) with the
difference that it assumes zero migration from 1995.
In the third scenario each
country's evolution is estimated as 2) and the maximum it would achieve in the period
1995-2050 is calculated under that hypothesis. The replacement migration that would be
needed to maintain the total population volume equal to that maximum throughout the whole
period is then calculated.
In the fourth, the evolution
within each country is estimated as in 2) and the maximum number of people eligible to
work (between 15 and 64 years) during the period 1995-2050 is calculated based on that
hypothesis. The replacement migration needed to maintain the total volume of the
work-eligible population equal to that maximum throughout the whole period is then
calculated.
n the fifth hypothesis each
country's evolution is again estimated as in 2) and calculations are made on the maximum
relation between the work-eligible population (15-64 years of age) and the population of
retirement age (65 years and older). The replacement migration needed to maintain that
relation at its peak, throughout the whole period, is then calculated.
The U.N report caused
repercussions throughout the world and it has been widely cited in comments and
evaluations on the destiny of industrial societies during this new century. Many authors
have challenged the report's conclusions, both the need of and the benefits resulting from
replacement immigration policies (Coleman, 2000, 2001, OECD, 2001). Nevertheless, beyond
the estimates regarding the number of people who will participate in this process and
receiving societies' capacity to continue incorporating migrants, the reality is that the
demand for workers will continue to exist.
From the point of view of the job markets in developed countries, some authors (Sassen,
1988, Martín, 2000) coincide in pointing out that there is a demand for immigrant workers
at both ends of the labor market. There is a growing demand in the unskilled labor sector
and those jobs that are rejected by local workers as well as in the science, technology,
administration and management sectors. Estimates of the labor force coincide in that the
demand for workers will continue along the tendencies that have prevailed during the last
decades. Migrant workers will staff the opposite ends of the labor market: highly
specialized jobs and personal services and unskilled activities. (McDonald, P., Klippen,
R., 2001)
II. Skilled Migration
1. Definitions and Typologies of Skilled Migration
There are several definitions of skilled migration; some cover a wide range of
qualifications, from technical skills to the most sophisticated specializations.
On the other hand, few statistics are available on this issue thus a case-by-case analysis
is not possible, except in some cases. Specific field research is rare and often based on
limited observations. As Gaillard and Gaillard (1998) point out, the available statistical
data is insufficient to draw a reliable general picture of this type of migrations.
Often countries rely on "stock" statistical data gathered from national censuses
or ongoing polls. These provide an overview of the cumulative number of skilled immigrants
at a given time but are not enough to analyze the dynamics of movement. One must also take
into consideration the fact that often immigration countries' censuses are incomplete,
especially in view of illegal immigration, even though the number of illegal skilled
immigrants is usually low.
Statistical data on migration flows are very seldom available. In the United States of
America the annual INS (Immigration and Naturalization Service) statistics provide very
useful and detailed information, however, this is based on the visas granted and not on
the real number of immigrants per year. The granting of visas is usually related to
immigrants who are US residents and its variation reflects, to a great extent, the effects
of the preferential categories established by immigration laws.
In an attempt to unify criteria to define the need for human resources in the areas of
science and technology (S & T) the OECD and EUROSTAT developed the so-called
"Canberra Manual".
This manual defines such individuals as:
Those who have successfully
completed third level studies in any S and T area.
Those who cannot be formally
classified as belonging to the above category but are currently engaged in S and T
activities that require the above skills (OECD, 2001).
The Canberra Manual includes
skills and occupation criteria. Also, the terms scientific and technical cover a wide
range of skills that include humanities and social sciences.2
The definitions used by the US National Science Foundation also take into account criteria
regarding occupation or education and the type of degree, or both. (NSF, S&T
Indicators 2002).
In the case of Latin America, thanks to the data base developed by the IMILA project
(International Migration in Latin America)3 and the data harmonization efforts carried out by CELADE (Latin
American Demographic Center) ample information is available regarding international
migration, albeit with the limitations derived from insufficient census statistics on this
issue.
IMILA's data are gathered from a succession of census rounds in Latin America, the USA and
Canada.4 Additional
efforts are needed to collect information from European countries, Australia and Japan,
which have attracted Latin American emigrants during the last decades.
In the case of Europe, an important part of Latin American immigration is due to the
regaining of the ancestors' citizenship by the descendants of those Europeans who migrated
to America in the past. This causes additional difficulties when attempting to identify
the number of Latin American immigrants given that European countries tend to classify
immigrants by their citizenship rather than by their country of birth.
Besides defining the term "skilled migrant", it is important to consider the
different types of migration flows, since these determine the ways links are maintained
with the country of origin and thus require different policies.
In a previous work (Pellegrino and Calvo, 2001) we pointed out that migration typologies
could be derived from different perspectives:
according to indicators
(economic, political, religious, etc.),
according to its duration
(permanent or definitive, transitory, pendular, circular movements).
In the case of skilled workers
it is important to keep in mind the institutional insertion of migrants who may work in
multinational enterprises, national firms in the receiving country, international
organizations, academic or research institutions and those who are students or work as
independent professionals.
Iredale, R (1999) presents a similar typology. The author divides migrants into four
groups: by motivation, origin and destination of flows, according to migrants'
incorporation mechanism and according to duration of stay. Findlay et al. (1996) propose
another typology based on the channels or mechanisms that promote migration.
The precise identification of the type of migratory movement, as well as the definition of
skilled migrants are issues of foremost importance when evaluating the economic and other
effects of migration on the countries of origin and destination.
The evaluation of this phenomenon is made difficult by the limited number of data on
skilled workers and the non-homogeneous character of available classifications.
2. Demand Conditions for Skilled Workers
One of the basic characteristics of today's world is the central role knowledge plays in
economic growth. Ever since the end of World War II developed countries have placed great
emphasis on the development of higher education and specializations through post-graduate
courses and the establishment of research systems. Developing countries had similar
objectives however the efforts they carried out in this regard were uneven and thus so
were the results. Consequently, even though important changes did occur during the second
half of the XX century the gap between countries at the center and those at the periphery
continues to be vast as far as scientific and technological development is concerned.
Recently, the need to develop strong human resources in advanced areas, particularly
information technologies (IT) has become a major priority for all countries. According to
the findings of a recent seminar on "The International Mobility of the Highly
Specialized" (OECD, 2001), in most OECD countries policies aimed at favoring this
type of immigration respond to three objectives: 1) to meet cyclical labor market
shortages; 2) to increase the human capital "stock"; 3) to promote the
circulation of knowledge through highly specialized workers and stimulate innovations.
Practically all industrialized countries have detected an insufficient offer in some basic
science and engineering specializations, particularly in information technologies and
related disciplines, as well as in health related activities.
The United States National Science Foundation had calculated that in the period 1998-2008
employment in science and engineering (S & E) areas will increase almost four times
more than employment in all other areas. Since this institution projects a 14% growth in
the total number of jobs for the above period of time, employment in S & E areas will
grow by 51%, equal to 1.9 million jobs. Of these, four fifths are computer sciences
related jobs. The number of jobs in other sciences such as biology and generally the life
sciences will also increase significantly. (NSF Indicators, 2000, Cap: 3).
Even though the bulk of international migrations comprises non-skilled workers or workers
who enter less skilled jobs, the number of skilled workers who migrate has increased
during the last decades. Receiving countries' migration policies are increasingly aimed at
selective migration as they seek to incorporate highly qualified migrants and reduce the
deficit in specific areas of specialization. It could be said that the competition to
attract this type of immigrants will be one of the relevant phenomenon of the new century.
The struggle to attract the "best and the brightest" will occur not only between
poor and rich countries but also between developed countries and between transnational
corporations.
The deficit in the number of young people entering the job market in the S & T areas
is due not only to the stagnation in the total number of young people resulting from an
aging population, but also to other economic and cultural factors. The vocation for
entering professions in these areas is not growing as the difficulties posed by such
careers are counterbalanced by the comparative advantages offered by other less demanding
professions. Some authors (Martin, Ph., 1999) suggest that in the case of the USA the
sizable supply of immigrant students has made it possible to maintain low wages in the
research and development sectors, discouraging native students from entering these fields.
The policy of attracting highly skilled workers from other countries and the competition
in enlisting foreign students are a direct result of this deficit or lack of flexibility
in the supply of specific skills.
The opening of national boundaries to this type of migrants takes different forms and
engages countries such as Japan that have been traditionally closed to migrations and
others such as Ireland and Greece that have been traditionally sources of migrants. These
are now attempting to attract their nationals living abroad and to incorporate immigrants.
The benefits the USA has derived from the incorporation of skilled workers and the
tailoring of immigration laws to such aim are well known and documented. Already the 1952
Immigration Law introduced a system of preferences for highly skilled workers whose
specialties were not widely available in the country.
The 1965 Immigration Law, developed during the civil rights movement, was conceived in the
egalitarian and human rights spirit prevailing at the time in the USA. Also, lawmakers
were aware of the benefits derived from the incorporation of highly skilled workers for
the consolidation of research and development systems and, generally, the establishment of
a skilled labor force.
The US immigration laws favored admission categories based on family reunification while
12% of all annual permanent admissions were based on labor market criteria. The laws
established systems of preference for workers with extraordinary skills, professors and
researchers (EB-1); professionals with advanced degrees (B-2) and professionals with
degrees equivalent to a Bachelor (of Sciences or Arts) and at least two years training.
In 1990 an immigration law reform strengthened the selective migration criteria, while the
annual number of visas granted to temporary workers with special skills increased.
Companies, particularly computer and information technology firms, lobbied to increase the
number of HB1 visas for temporary workers with needed specialized skills. Facing the
threat that enterprises relocate to other countries with large numbers of skilled workers,
the US Congress voted to increase the quotas established in the 1990 Immigration Law.
These firms' lobby prevailed over the demands put forth by other pressure groups, unions,
professional associations, which argued that the increase in the quota of skilled workers
causes a reduction in wages for local workers as well as a tendency to replace local
workers with immigrants.
Like the USA, Canada still admits a significant number of permanent immigrants. With the
1960 Immigration Law, which eliminated racial barriers, the number of immigrants from the
English speaking Caribbean and Haiti began to increase significantly, as did the number of
immigrants from Asia and Latin America. Canada's immigration law is based on a system of
points that favor the incorporation of migrants according to their capacity to integrate
into the country's society and economy. It also includes an active program of admissions
of highly skilled individuals. Like the USA, Canada implements a program aimed at
attracting immigrants skilled in highly required professions.
Australia, another major destination for migrants, has adopted increasingly selective
migration policies since 1970. On the other hand, since 1990 Japan, a country
traditionally closed to immigrants, has began to adopt measures aimed at attracting
Japanese descendants as skilled workers. A scholarship program has been implemented to
attract foreign students.
In the mid-1970's, due to the economic recession, European countries closed their borders
to immigration by strictly controlling the influx of migrants. However, regulations for
granting residence permits were more flexible in the case of highly skilled immigrants.
Lately, in many European countries special programs have been implemented to attract
immigrants with specific skills. Also it has been acknowledged that even in times of high
unemployment rates the use of immigrant workers is a reality that must be acknowledged for
the smooth functioning of the economic system.
In the case of Germany, the so-called "Green Card" program was aimed at
attracting 20,000 information technology (IT) workers. A scholarship and grants program
aimed at foreign students was also implemented.
In the United Kingdom in 1999 the government launched a campaign aimed at attracting
foreign students through a number of programs that facilitate their access to British
schools.
In Ireland, in the years 2000-2001, the shortage of IT workers motivated the government to
launch a campaign to attract workers skilled in this area as well as former Irish
emigrants residing in other countries. In the year 2000 special visas for skilled workers
were established (OECD, 2002).
3. The Academic World and Studies Abroad
The internationalization of higher education and, generally, the academic world, is an
important by-product of economic globalization.
The development of higher education and research is a challenge faced by countries seeking
to overcome underdevelopment. The academic world is a particularly internationalized
sector and has been so throughout history. The benefits derived from circulation, the
interaction between colleagues from different parts of the world and the active
participation in international scientific activities are basic objectives of academic
activities. Also, recently and due to peoples' growing mobility and circulation, many
programs to further stimulate exchanges between academics have been implemented in many
regions of the world.
Countries in the periphery are faced with the need to send their students to developed
countries whose higher education standards they can hardly match. To the extent that
students train in specialties not available in their own countries the countries of origin
can benefit from studies abroad programs. Such programs allow for the forging of academic,
trade and transfer of technology links, but also pose the threat of causing a brain drain
as students choose not to return home.
The incorporation of foreign students and the scholarship programs open an important door
into developed countries for skilled immigrants. Postgraduate studies are usually the
first link binding research and development universities in developed countries with the
students' countries of origin, often leading to emigration. On the other hand, this
process is the foremost mechanism for selecting the best students.
Studies abroad are an important part of skilled migration and often a first step towards
labor migrations. Scholarship programs and universities' capacity to attract foreigners
have become an initial source for the selection and hiring of highly skilled human
resources. On the other hand, often students work part-time while pursuing their studies
and thus become acquainted with the labor market in the host country and establish links
that ease their permanent stay once they have completed their studies.
The number of students who study outside their country of origin is growing, mostly at the
PhD level. Five countries receive more than 80% of all foreign students: the United States
(34%), the United Kingdom (16%), Germany (13%), France (11%), Australia (8%), while other
countries absorb the remaining 18% (OECD, 2002).
Between 1986 and 1996 the number of foreign students enrolled in PhD programs in the
fields of science and technology increased yearly by 8%, while that of US students grew by
only 2%. In 1997 the participation of foreign students in PhD programs fell by 15% in all
disciplines (S&T Indicators, 2000). That same year 49% of all foreign students who
completed PhD studies in all the engineering fields did so in the USA, 45% in the United
Kingdom and 43% in Japan.
The number of foreign students in the USA has increased significantly: from less than
50,000 students in the 1959/60 school year to more than 500,000 in the 1999/2000 school
year (Institute for International Education, 2000). Most (58%) foreign students in the USA
are from Asia, while only 11% are from Latin America. This is an interesting observation,
considering the United States' strong cultural presence in Latin America. Half of the over
50,000 Latin American students in the USA are from South America. In contrast to this, the
bulk of Latin American immigrants to the USA are from Mexico and Central America.
In 1995, 100,000 of the 420,000 students pursuing port-graduate studies in the USA were
foreigners. They represented 39% of all those who obtained degrees in the natural
sciences, 50% in mathematics and computer sciences and 58% in engineering. Sixty-three per
cent of the 55,444 foreign students who were enrolled in PhD programs had plans to remain
in the USA and 39.9% had "firm plans". In the case of students from China and
India these reached 85% and 79%, while the percentage of Mexican PhD students who planned
to remain in the USA was one of the lowest, 37% (Johnson, NSF, 1998). Meyer and Brown
(1999) argue that 50% of foreign students in France and Japan have intentions to remain in
those countries.
According to the same Johnson study the United States' higher education institutions were
able to attract and retain a large number of foreign students by financing their studies.5 The authors also
argue that such institutions owed their attractiveness not only to the quality of their
education but also to the possibilities of entering the US labor market upon the
completion of studies.
As mentioned above, US policies to attract foreign students have been followed by other
countries. The incorporation of students is the best strategy to select skilled workers in
the future. Moreover, even if the foreign students return to their country of origin they
retain close links with the academic world of the country in which they studied. They
collaborate in long distance research projects, use technologies and consume products from
those countries and enter the network of international exchanges.
In a call for the "Americanization" of Germany's policies aimed at attracting
foreign students, Thomas Straubhaar (2001) argued: "What is even more important than
the immediate benefits derived from the payment of tuition by foreign students and the
direct and indirect effects this has on employment are the long range effects over the
economy.
First of all, during their stay foreign students become accustomed to 'the American way of
life'. They become used to consuming American products and rely in their studies on
hardware and software produced by American firms such as IBM and Microsoft. Later in their
careers they become promoters of the American way of life and even when they leave the USA
they hold it close. They will buy a Ford, rather than a Volkswagen, will be familiar with
Compaq rather than Siemens, are trained in Windows and not in European software". (P.
9, author's translation)
Emigration is a difficult challenge for developing countries' academic world, their
universities and generally their higher education institutions. While it is highly
convenient to stimulate the international circulation of scholars and to promote graduate
studies abroad, it is also a fact that the closer the contact with the outside world, the
higher the risk of emigration.
III. Latin America's Skilled Migration
1. Volume Estimates
To estimate the volume of skilled migrants is not an easy task given the limited
statistical information available. At the end of the 1990's Carrington and Detragiache
(1998, 1999) set out to estimate the magnitude of this phenomenon in the OECD countries,
considering 61 countries of origin that, according to their evaluation, represented 70% of
the population of developing countries.6
Their work revealed the limitations of the information available in most countries and
confirmed that the USA is the country with the most precise data on skilled migrant
workers.
According to the study's results an important percentage of Asian and African migrants to
the USA have completed higher education (75% of Hindus, 53% of Koreans and 50% of Chinese
immigrants). African migrants to the USA are mostly from Egypt, Ghana and South Africa and
more than 60% have completed higher education (Carrington and Detragiache, 1999). Also,
migrants to the USA tend to be more educated than the average people in their country of
origin and a high percentage of emigrants have completed higher education.
In the case of Latin America, data from IMILA present an overview of skilled migration
according to educational level and profession, as defined in the countries' censuses. In
the case of the USA the information is more extensive since censuses provide information
by country of birth. Also the statistical branch of the National Science Foundation,
SESTAT, as well as the Institute for Higher Education (IIE) provide statistical data by
country.
The data examined by IMILA is based on the 1990's censuses, since information by country
and profession based on the 2000 censuses is not available yet.
Table 1 presents the data on professionals and technicians born in Latin American
countries and censed in other Latin American countries or the USA. It illustrates that
during the 1970's the number of professionals and technicians who migrated within the
region increased considerably. From then on, the volume of professionals and technicians
involved in intra-regional migration decreased or grew at a much lower rate during the
period 1980-1990. This pattern is repeated in migrations between countries of the region,
taken as a whole. On the other hand, the number of Latin American professionals who
migrated to the USA multiplied by 4 during the same period.
In 1990 Colombian immigrants to Venezuela represented the highest percentage of
intra-regional professional emigrants. Similarly, the number of Uruguayan, Chileans and
Paraguayan professionals and technicians in Argentina was very high at that time. During
the 1990's Argentina's economic crisis worsened, reaching a critical stage in 2001,
consequently it is fair to assume that the country will cease to attract large numbers of
migrants. A similar situation is currently unfolding in Venezuela.
2. Educational Profile and Professional Insertion
The 1990 census revealed that the educational level of Latin American migrants in the USA
was heterogeneous. The average Latin American immigrant tended to have a lower educational
level than Asian and European immigrants and to work in less skilled activities. Even so,
the number of people with post graduate degrees and those engaged in professional and
technical activities was significant compared to the overall number of people with such
skills in the countries of origin. The educational and skills' levels of Latin American
migrants, as well as their occupations, varied according to the receiving country and the
type of migration flow.
On average, Central American and Mexican emigrants tend to have a low educational level;
on the other hand, the number of emigrants with high educational levels is significant
considering the overall availability of such manpower in the countries of origin. In the
case of other countries, particularly the English-speaking Caribbean and some South
American nations, the percentage of people with higher education is higher than that of
the native US population and of the foreign population in general. Graph 1 illustrates the
percentage of people with PhDs compared to the total number of people 25 years of age or
older in each group. In the case of migrants from Argentina, Venezuela and Chile the
percentage of people with PhDs is higher than that of the average foreign population in
the USA and if we add Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, Bolivia, Panama and Cuba it is higher than
that of the average native US population. Information on the number of people with
postgraduate studies or PhDs in the countries of origin is not available. This would have
allowed us to evaluate the impact of emigration on the level of skills of the labor force.
The US National Science Foundation has made available more information on the number of
people with science and technology (S&T) degrees who reside in the USA.7 In the year 1997 eleven Latin American countries were among the 50
countries with the largest number of S&T migrants. Mexico has the lead, with over
35,000 people within the C&T category. Since it is also the country with the largest
number of emigrants it is number 13 on such list.8 (NSF Science & Engineering Indicators, 2000).
This indicates that even though the average educational level of Mexican immigrants in the
USA is, together with that of immigrants form Central America, among the lowest, in
absolute terms the C&T workers from Mexico are the largest group within the total
Latin American population in the USA. Migrants from other countries such as Argentina and
Venezuela tend to be highly qualified. Other cases are more dramatic: in the case of Haiti
the number of scientists and engineers residing in the USA is very high and compared also
to the number of such people in Haiti (data is not available on this variable). Haiti is
an extreme case illustrating the effects of violence and political instability over
emigration.
Graph 2 evaluates the selectivity of migration. It presents the percentage, in 1990, of
professionals and technicians, administrators and high ranking personnel in the active
population of the countries of origin, compared to the number of such individuals among
each country's migrants in the USA. In several cases such as Mexico the number of skilled
migrants compared to the total number of Mexican migrants is lower than among the
country's active population, in others the opposite is true, revealing high selectivity
towards skilled migration.
Table 2 indicates the percentage of scientists and engineers, scholars and students
compared to the migrant population in the USA in the year 1997. It reveals that South
American countries (particularly Argentina, Brazil and Venezuela) are the largest sources
of such selective migration.
Table 3 presents information regarding Latin American students in the USA.
Data on the educational background and occupation of Latin American migrants in Europe and
other regions (Australia, for example) are either not available or not accessible to the
author.
IV. Evaluating the Effects of Skilled Emigration
The emigration of highly qualified individuals or creators in the fields of art and
literature dates as far back as the history of humanity. Nevertheless, this phenomenon
reached greater relevance in the years following World War II, when important efforts were
made to stimulate the development of centers for higher education and research. As
knowledge began to be directly related to production it started to play a central role in
society. It was soon apparent that an increase in the number and quality of highly skilled
workers represented a fundamental factor of "the wealth of nations".
On the other hand, the emigration of scientists from Germany and other countries affected
by Nazism and Fascism had a strong impact on scientific developments in the USA. The
luring of scientists and other distinguished individuals became a model to be followed and
the "selective migration" policies that are now in place in many countries began
to be adopted even though they were not very successful until very recently.
Beginning in the mid- 20th Century as a result of the process of de-colonization in Asia
and Africa a flow of skilled emigrants from the former colonies began to pour into the
colonial motherlands of old. The effect of this exodus on the newly independent states
caused much concern at the international level and entered the agenda of international
discussions. This type of migration affected not only poor countries but also some
developed nations that voiced their concern for the competitive advantage it represented
for the USA. The expression "drain drain" originated in England, referring to
the emigration of medical doctors to the USA.
A scientific meeting on the "brain drain" was held in Lousanne in 1967 and the
presentations there delivered were later published in the Walter Adams book (1968). The
book explores the polemic between "internationalists" and
"nationalists" as it unfolded at the time, as well as the newly developing
position of the structuralists who were becoming very influential within Latin American
academic circles.
Later this issue reached the international organizations and several United Nations
organizations. The International Organization for Migrations examined the question of
"the inverse transfer of technology" in international conferences, producing
resolutions aimed at defining policies. The idea was to include the problem within the
framework of three central issues -trade, the transfer of resources and of technology- in
order to divest it of the emotional content embodied in the term "brain drain"
(IOM, 1990).
Case studies by countries and region were developed. Within the UNCTAD several steps were
taken to include the issue within the North-South debate.9 The organization also
conducted a study to evaluate the human capital involved in the intellectual exodus in
support of proposals aimed at establishing some kind of compensation for the losses caused
by skilled migration (Pellegrino, 2000).
In Latin America studies on high skilled emigration reached a zenith during the 1960's and
early 1970's and case-by-case analyses were carried out. Concerns with this issue were
coherent with the economic development model in fashion at the times, one based on
endogenous development and the promotion of internal industrial development. The
structural view regarding development was promoted during the 1950's by ECLA (Economic
Commission for Latin America), which adopted a systemic position that emphasized the
dynamics of the world economy and the deterioration in the terms of trade between the
center and the periphery.
This issue was particularly popular within Argentina's academic circles. The pioneering
studies by Morris Horowith (1962) and Bernardo Houssay (1966) were complemented by a
series of studies carried out by Enrique Oteiza (1965, 1966, 1967, 1969, 1971) on the
emigration of Argentinean professionals, technicians and skilled workers. Sito and
Stuhlman (1968) and Oszlak and Caputo (1973) analyzed the emigration of medical doctors.
As strides were made in the development of educational systems the issue of the emigration
of skilled human resources reached other countries: Uruguay (Filgueira, 1976), Chile,
Colombia, more recently Venezuela (Pedersen, 1988, Valecillos, 1990, Garbi, 1991) and
Brazil (Aleixo, 1974)10.
In 1971Fernando Chaparro prepared a synthesis for the Organization of American States. The
CELADE also contributed by developing IMILA's data base and preparing a number of studies
based on it (Torrado, Susana, 1982; Martínes Pizarro, Jorge, 1989; Pellegrino, 1993).
3.1 Recent Proposals
Recently efforts were made to reconsider the issue of mobility and circulation as
something positive that stimulates scientific and technological exchanges benefiting
migrants' countries of origin and destination.
The position on this issue has shifted from a negative one that perceived skilled
emigration as a loss to one that highlights the positive effects of circular or pendular
migrations, with the transitory return of migrants, on the consolidation of local job
markets and their development. This position attempts to present the "brain
drain" as a "brain gain" and to complement the term "brain drain"
with the terms "brain exchange" or "brain circulation".
The precise classification of the type of movement or migration under consideration will
allow for different evaluations according to the extent of the links between emigrants and
their country of origin in terms of exchanges and number of returns. The type of insertion
by emigrants will also determine the type of exchange with the countries of origin.
International organizations' officials and multinational enterprises' employees find it
harder to interact with their counterparts in their countries of origin. Corporations not
only do not encourage the exchange of knowledge, they also tend to view the transfer of
technology as a sign of disloyalty to the firm. In 1989 John Salt pointed out that the
movement of highly qualified personnel within multinational enterprises causes very
limited transfers of technology into developing countries. He added that these firms, even
though this may vary according to countries and companies, prefer not to promote nationals
from Third World countries to high-level administrative and technical positions. The
system, concluded Salt, "fights against the managerial training of native employees
in developing countries' plants".
The implementation of policies regarding the role of transnational enterprises, the
transfer of technology, intellectual property and patents are the object of highly complex
international negotiations. The relocation of investments and the establishment of
manufacturing or assembly plants are issues of conflict as regards the impact and
transference of know-how. In the case of migrations within this type of enterprises,
strategies aimed at transferring experience and knowledge are often in open contradiction
with companies' practices.
The transfer of knowledge and scientific and technological exchanges may occur more easily
within the scientific and academic world where cooperation between colleagues is more
common and encouraged. Policies aimed at establishing links are possible between
independent workers and scientists and scholars.
To the extent that the training of new generations depends on them, scientists and
scholars are a strategic asset for countries. On the other hand, they are of vital
importance to stimulate other innovation processes within society. Re-linking networks may
give rise to situations that stimulate national development, they make it possible to
overcome the limitations of national projects, but these effects may take place only to
the extent that local stimuli are in place and that the dynamism does not come only from
abroad.
The application of policies aimed at establishing renewed ties with the country of origin
and promoting "scientific diasporas" is another strategy that has been adopted.
By identifying with projects in their countries of origin the members of this diaspora
stimulate scientific and economic development through long distance cooperation or
periodic visits. These types of initiatives have been promoted in several regions of the
world. In South Africa the SANSA network was established with this end. India is an
example of how different governmental policies have been aimed at stimulating links and
networks between private entrepreneurs from inside and outside the country. A record is
being kept since 1957 of all the scientists and technicians living in the country and
abroad and special efforts are made to establish links with those who have completed or
are enrolled in port-graduate studies abroad. On several occasions India has appealed to
these scientists to develop programs that require highly specialized personnel. In
Switzerland a web site, Swiss-List.com, was established to forge links between Swiss
scientists residing in the USA and their colleagues in the country of origin.
Korea organizes through its consulates periodic meetings with students and scientists in
the receiving countries, in order to keep alive their feelings of nationality. Also,
associations of Korean scientists residing abroad have been established and attempts made
at creating the conditions for their return home, scholarships have been set up and a
scientific data base accessible from any part of the world is kept up to date. Taiwan has
adopted similar policies (Gaillard and Gaillard, 1999).
In Latin America several programs have been implemented in different countries to promote
mobility for the development of national projects. According to Meyer (1999) there are 41
knowledge exchange networks comprising expatriates from 30 countries (who in some cases
have more than one network). Meyer's list (1999) includes seven Latin American networks
with headquarters in Argentina, Colombia, El Salvador, Uruguay, Peru and Venezuela.
A scientific meeting held in Bogota in 1996, "International Scientific Migrations
Today. New Problems", (Charum and Meyer, 1998) produced conceptual positions and case
studies of scientific communities established as networks, particularly Colombia's Red
Caldas, which was one of the first attempts to assemble the scientific
"diaspora" in Latin America. The network of Uruguayans abroad is another example
of a system of links between the emigrant communities and the national scientific
community that stimulated the return of scientists and the creation of the Basic Sciences
Development Program (PEDECIBA) following the fall of the military dictatorship in 1985.
There are no recent evaluations on the functioning of the Red Caldas. In the case of the
Uruguayan network, after its initial momentum that caused the return of scientists and
scholars following the demise of the military dictatorship it lost steam and has
practically disappeared. On the other hand, other smaller and more informal networks that
are strengthening specific specialties continue to operate.
The need to create programs to attract emigrant scientists and re-establish their ties
with local communities in order to promote the growth of the nation's critical mass is a
viable project that has proven to be effective. However, its effectiveness will depend to
a large extent on the support it receives from national policies.
Some networks owe their establishment to the initial enthusiasm arising from specific
circumstances (as was the case following the end of dictatorial governments) however over
time their largely voluntary activities tend to lose momentum unless they rely on strong
local foundations.
The return of migrants with skills and experiences acquired abroad is an important
strategy for obtaining know-how and capital transfers.
South East Asian countries' success in achieving economic growth and scientific and
technological development has become a paradigm for policies aimed at establishing a
critical mass of highly skilled personnel. Korea is an example of successful return
policies. The engineers and scientists who had emigrated returned to their homeland partly
thanks to the improvement of economic conditions but also to a strong policy aimed at
stimulating and protecting highly qualified human resources implemented by the government
and the private sector, which played a key role in hiring nationals residing abroad
(Hyaeweol Choi, 1995). In the case of Taiwan, individuals who had returned from the USA
initiated half the companies of the Hsinchu technological park.
IV. Conclusions
The idea of re-examining the advantages derived from the expansion of communications and
the circulation of information in order to encourage the
development of higher education institutions and the science and technology sectors is a
strategy that has gained much following in recent years.
However, as recent successful examples illustrate, it is not enough to rely on
"voluntary" actions or to appeal to feelings of national identity. These types
of proposals were successful only in those countries that established sound development
programs based on local efforts.
Even though long-distance work and virtual links are a positive reality, one must not set
aside the need to insure that creative, scientific and technological activities be based
in less developed countries (laboratories, academic or industrial research centers, high
technology enterprises). The statement that communications' networks have rendered
irrelevant the physical source where the information originates is proven false by
developed countries' policies aimed at enlisting the most skilled and innovative minds. It
does not seem reasonable that while the physical location of frontier technology
activities is very important to developed countries, prompting them to allocate vast
resources to attract and retain individuals with skills in this area, it should be
considered as less relevant for developing countries where such individuals exercise
greater influence and losing them causes more serious long range consequences.
It is very difficult to compete with center countries, particularly in areas such as the
training and recruiting of highly skilled human resources, science and technology and the
development of higher education. When serious programs have been implemented to lure back
highly skilled personnel they have been successful, insuring the return of many such
specialists even under less favorable salary conditions than those they enjoyed abroad.
Regional integration programs represent an important opportunity to carry out joint
programs in this field. The volume of investments changes significantly when a joint
effort is established, also more job opportunities are created allowing for diverse
approaches and specialties, which in some areas of knowledge are a precondition to
achieving competitiveness.
Matching salaries and work conditions to those prevailing in developed countries is
obviously important, however should this not be possible other stimuli can be offered such
as the possibility to participate in the formulation of proposals and, generally, creating
a work environment in which individuals feel they are part of a collective project.
Regional programs, both at the level of human resources training and scientific and
technological research will make it possible to complement skills and improve negotiating
condition within scientific and technological centers and to undertake international
cooperation with developed countries on an equal footing.
1
The report includes four variations: high, medium, low and constant, which correspond to
hypothesis on the future evolution of fertility in each country. All variations formulate
the same hypothesis regarding the future evolution of mortality rates and migration (this
last hypothesis in almost all countries)
2 Twenty study areas are included. They can
be grouped under the following seven categories: natural sciences, engineering and
technology, medical sciences, agricultural sciences, social sciences, humanities, other
areas.
3 The IMLA Project includes a database on
international migrants born in Latin American countries. The United Nations' Latin
American Demographic Center (CELADE) developed it at the beginning of the 1970's. It is a
pioneering effort in the gathering of information on international migrations.
4 In the case of Canada, for the year 1990
the total volume is available but not migrants' social and economic profile.
5 Approximately 75% of the 10,000 foreign
PhD candidates examined reported the universities where they studied as principal source
of income.
6 The study did not include the nations
belonging to the former Soviet Union, nor Eastern European countries.
7 The NSF studies for the USA place greater
emphasis on the analysis of immigration flows originating in European and Asian countries,
which tend to include the bulk of skilled workers. References and data on Latin America
are rare.
8 Besides Mexico the following countries
are included in this list, in order of magnitude: Jamaica, Colombia, Argentina, Peru,
Brazil, Venezuela, Ecuador, Dominican Republic, Haiti and Chile.
9 A synthesis of these activities can be
found in D'Oliveira and Sousa, 1987.
10 This list does not pretend to include
all analyses.
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