| Title |
International
Migrations
in Latin America and the Caribbean
Edition Nº 65
May-August 2002 |
| Author: |
Permanent Secretariat of SELA |
|
Index |
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION
IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN:
SOCIAL DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC TRAITS
Miguel Villa and Jorge Martínez
(ECLAC / CELADE, Santiago, Chile)
II. Profiles and Repercussions of Migration of People
from Latin America and the Caribbean
The background data gathered by the IMILA Project show that the growing international
migration flows of the people from Latin American and the Caribbean -both among the
countries of the region and towards the rest of the world- have undergone qualitative
changes. These changes are reflected, for instance, in the composition of such groups
according to sex and in the presence of skilled workers among the migrants forming part of
the labor force. To a great extent, these changes are due to the continued economic
pressures experienced by the countries of the region. These pressures, which deepened as a
result of the ongoing crisis of the "lost decade" of the 1980s and of the
immediate effects of the structural adjustment programs implemented throughout the region,
also impacted on the functioning of labour markets. However, equally important were the
repercussions of the serious unrest besetting the socio-political landscape, a situation
that in certain cases led to the militarization of conflicts and to the breakdown of the
norms governing civilized coexistence. The amendments made to regulations set by the
countries of destination may also have had some bearing on the changing composition of the
profiles of migrants. The implementation of restrictive regulations governing entry and
residence in such countries has resulted in increased levels of illegal immigration and in
the fact that certain itinerant and recurrent types of migrations have become more fixed,
thus necessitating the reunion of families in the countries of destination. In addition to
their qualitative features, the migratory patterns among people from Latin America and the
Caribbean tend to produce far-reaching repercussions, one of these being the transfer of
abundant financial resources in the form of remittances.11
1. Specificity of Gender and Visibility of Women
A study of regional male migration levels throughout the continent will throw some light
on the shift from a situation that was dominated by women in 1970 and 1980 to one that was
predominantly male-oriented in 1990. However, interregional migration shows a trend
towards ongoing "feminisation" (Chart 4).12 This apparent paradox may be attributed to the rise in the number
of men comprising the stock of Latin American immigrants in the United States, a trend
that basically highlights the effects of the most numerous flows (especially those
originating in Mexico), given that most of the remaining flows tend to be predominantly
female-oriented.13
An in-depth analysis shows that the gender-related composition of various migratory trends
is heterogeneous. This heterogeneity is in no way systematically related to the migrants'
countries of origin or of destination, nor to the distances covered. However, it seems to
stem from other factors. One such factor is the apparent complementarity between the
labour markets of the countries of origin and of destination, given that certain migration
circuits seem to be influenced by the demand for labour in specific sectors of activity
and occupations. Thus, the flows of Mexicans to the United States and of Bolivians and
Chileans to Argentina are predominantly male-oriented, which is presumably due to the
strong demand for labourers to work in agro-extractive jobs in the countries of
destination. This is different from the flows of Colombians to Venezuela and of
Paraguayans to Argentina, which consist mostly of female migrants - due largely to their
entry into service-related activities, including those of domestic helpers. With regard to
migration trends within the Caribbean Community, census data for the countries as a whole
reveal a slight predominance of female migrants, a phenomenon that may very well be
associated with jobs in the tourist industry (Thomas-Hope, 2000). Nevertheless, the
predominant presence of women in certain flows should not be attributed exclusively to
their joining the labour forces of the countries of destination. At the same time, other
factors, such as the role of migrant community networks or the intention of reuniting with
families also tend to bear on male migration levels.
There are a host of reasons why the significance of the levels of male and female
participation in migration trends should be studied in greater depth. (United Nations,
2000 and 1996). First of all, it is necessary to explore the hypothesis that female
migration does not always stem simply from attempts or reasons to find work; even so, it
is not valid, either, to affirm that women migrate only because they are economically
dependent (for example, to take advantage of a mechanism that allows them to reunite with
their families), given that many do so on their own free will and in tune with the
transformations taking place in labour markets, with the swings in regional integration
patterns and with the pace at which the economies are opening up.14 Secondly, in spite of the high levels of female migrant
workers forming part of migration flows towards the United States, there are signs that
the "feminisation" of such flows tends to be associated with a scant variety of
job opportunities for such migrants (as illustrated by the pre-eminence of the domestic
service area and other areas in the tertiary sector, which, because of cultural trends
associated with gender, are reserved for women). This phenomenon influences both the
tapping of human resources and the expectations of full personal development afforded by
the countries of destination.
Thirdly, international migration involves changes in family structures, as is the case
whenever the individual who migrates is the head of a household and leaves his closest
relatives behind. Of particular interest is the fact that relationships established
between female migrants and their families in the countries of origin tend to have a
decisive effect on the functioning of migratory networks that serve as feedback mechanisms
for migration.
Fourthly, evidence of the growing trade in women and young girls have shed light on a
complex situation -inseparably linked to the vulnerability of female migrants- which
undermines the assumption that migration may serve as a tool for strengthening women or
for promoting gender equality (Lim, 1998). Another study that is as important as the one
on female migration trends is the study on the conditions of women who do not migrate,
especially when the emigration of their husbands forces them to assume the leadership of
their households and the administration of the remittances often sent to them.
Source: IMILA Project, CELADE.
2. Participation of
Skilled Workers
According to the data collected by IMILA, the total number of technicians, professionals
and other skilled workers forming part of the regional stock of migrants throughout the
continent doubled between 1970 and 1980 to include 220 thousand people. The following
decade, the absolute size of the increase was somewhat lower as, by 1990, the total stock
was just a little over 300 thousand people, two thirds of which were in the United States.15 As a result, the proportion of skilled workers among economically
active migrants throughout the continent fell from 8% in 1970 to 6% in 1990, a decline
that was sharper among Latin Americans surveyed in the United States. However the
situation was different in the case of interregional migration patterns as the
participation of professionals, technicians and other skilled workers in flows comprising
economically active migrants rose from 6% to 8% between 1970 and 1990. (In absolute terms,
the number of migrants of this kind tripled during those twenty years.) (Chart 5). The
subsequent mass migration to the United States during the 1980s may have been responsible
for the relative decline in skilled workers. Even so, two observations are in order: a) In
the United States, people from Latin America and the Caribbean have constantly faced
difficulties finding jobs consistent with their levels of qualification and skills; and b)
the absolute size of skilled workers in the region is vital to the national resource base
of the different countries (Pellegrino and Martínez, 2001). Yet, the fact that skilled
workers account for a growing fraction of migrants among the countries of the Latin
American region is significant as it contributes to any assessment of this migration
pattern and challenges the belief that migrants of this kind are inadequately trained.
Moreover, this trend offers powerful motivation for the development of cooperation efforts
in the shared used of human resources, particularly within the framework of subregional
integration schemes.
As in the case of gender, the composition of specific migration flows is characterized by
its high level of heterogeneity. Hence, among the Latin American immigrants living in the
United States, the percentage of professionals, technicians and other skilled workers form
South America is twice that of migrants from Mexico and some Caribbean and Central
American countries. Similar differences are apparent in Argentina and Venezuela when we
compare the relatively low percentage of skilled workers from bordering countries (except
Uruguay) to that of workers from the rest of Latin America. Overall, it may be observed
that the relative participation of professionals, technicians and other skilled workers
tends to be lower in countries with high levels of emigration, with the exception of Cuba
and Uruguay. On the other hand, emigrants from high-immigration Latin American countries,
such as Argentina and Venezuela, tend to be skilled workers.
The latter trend may also be observed in the case of migration among the countries of the
Caribbean Community, particularly in the case of Jamaica more than half of whose
immigrants tend to be professionals and technicians.(Mills, 1997). On average, the
academic level of English-speaking inter-Caribbean migrants tends to be higher than that
of the local populations of both the country of origin and the country of destination. In
Antigua, the Bahamas and the British Virgin Islands, for instance, the proportion of
university-trained immigrants from the rest of the Caribbean Community exceeds that of the
local population by more than twofold, while in the case of Barbados, this ratio is more
than sevenfold. (Thomas-Hope, 2000).
While the academic level of Latin American emigrants to the United states is lower than
that of the country's local population, Pellegrino (2000) observes -in accordance with
Sassen's scheme (1988)- that the profiles of such emigrants tend to be polarized at two
extremes: one set of highly trained individuals who enter occupations in the areas of
management and science and technology and a more numerous group of people who tend to
enter low-productivity economic sub-sectors and includes individuals who might be
overqualified for some of the functions they perform. This polarization reveals that while
the least qualified tend to predominate in the stock of immigrants from the region to the
United States -a condition that may seem exaggerated by the types of occupations declared-
the number of those possessing relatively high levels of training is considerably high
when compared with the availability of such human resources in the countries of origin.
This is evidenced by the fact that professionals and technicians account for over 15% of
the migrants from Argentina, Venezuela, and Chile. The stock of immigrants from the
Caribbean to the United States also comprises a higher number of professionals than those
available in the countries of origin. This trend may be interpreted as a selectivity
trait, which may impact negatively on the fragile economies of the Caribbean countries, as
emigration drains them of many of their most highly qualified workers. The effect is made
worse by the fact that these emigrants are generally young adults, some of whom do not
return to their countries of origin until they are over 50 years of age (Thomas-Hope,
2000).
As shown by Alba (2000), in addition to being more widely spread out geographically, in
terms of places of origin, migration flows from Mexico to the United States in the last
quarter of the 20th century also became less cyclical or circular and more fixed. This
massive migration trend (the annual average number of "permanent" emigrants
doubled between the 1970s and the 1990s) was related to the deep restructuring of Mexico's
economy resulting from its closer integration with the North American economy. One of the
sharpest effects of this process was the change in the demand for labour dynamics, which
reacted differently according to sectors, job categories and qualification levels.
Thus, the lower selectivity level of migrants, as regards their level of skills, may
seemingly be explained by the mass emigration toward the United States. With regard to
Central America, the same author (Alba, 2000) points out that the process of mass
emigration to the United States occurred over barely two decades. Economic crises,
socio-political upheavals and natural disasters all contributed to this process by giving
a more "definitive" and prolonged character to movements that previously
occurred on a temporary basis and covered short distances. Domestic labour markets that
were hard hit by both internal economic stagnation and countries' entry into the global
market as primary goods producers, were unable to absorb the supply of manpower, a gap
that widened with the effects of demographic transition processes (Castillo and Palma,
1999; CEPAL/CELADE/OIM, 1999). Hence, the forces that contributed to the massive expansion
of emigrants from Mexico and Central American countries (most notably El Salvador,
Guatemala and Nicaragua) to the United States are also responsible for the decrease in the
percentage of skilled workers within the stock of immigrants from the region registered in
the United States in1990. Even so, the emigration of skilled workers continues to deplete
the countries of the region of a vast number of individuals who are vital for their
development, a fact that explains why all such countries are still grappling with the
brain drain problem. (Pellegrino and Martínez, 2001).
Source: IMILA Project,
CELADE.
3. Other Repercussions of Emigration and the Case of Remittances
Global migration causes numerous repercussions that are at the social, economic and
cultural level.Thus, in Latin American and Caribbean countries this phenomenon seems to
have contributed to alleviating tensions between demographic trends and the creation of
jobs, as well as tensions caused by social, political, ethnic and religious conflicts and
by environmental deterioration. At the individual level, emigration offers the chance of
finding a job and of promoting personal development, opportunities that often are not
available in the countries of origin.
However, on the other side of the scale the "escape valve" hypothesis is
counterbalanced by the erosion of human resources, which may have adverse effects on the
social and economic development of the countries in the region. Added to this is the
problem of illegal immigration, which stems from the enforcement of national regulations
governing the entry and stay of individuals and which may potentially strain relations
between the migrants' countries of origin and destination. Moreover, at the individual
level emigration may lead to vulnerability, frustration and discriminatory treatment.
Likewise, it is well known that in some immigration countries negative perceptions
regarding the costs involved in immigrants' utilization of social, subsidized services
(health, education, social security) or regarding "unfair" competition for jobs
are gaining strength. And yet, such countries derive benefits from immigration, such as
the ongoing supply of cheap labour or the possibility of tapping highly qualified
personnel without the need to finance their training.16
Another consequence of migration is the establishment of migrants' community networks.
While the existence of migrant organizations is nothing new in immigration countries, in
recent years such organizations have become particularly visible among Latin Americans and
West Indians living in the United States. Several studies stress the transnational
character of these communities and view them as new ways of strengthening identity, which
allow for a continued and sustained relationship between migrants and their countries of
origin, facilitating the accumulation of social capital (Portes, 1997) and generating
feedback impulses in migration flows.
The transnational character of such immigrants' communities is strengthened by the fact
that their activities transcend political and cultural borders (Canales y Zlolniski, 2000)
establishing a network of interrelated activities. These communities largely shape the
migrants environment for social reproduction and interaction, as it is in such communities
that solidarity is expressed in its different forms and that intense cultural exchanges
take place through dance, fine arts, crafts, gastronomy, and festivities typical
festivities. The role of these communities is quite complex in the sense that they not
only help foster collective remittances but also play a leading role in taking affirmative
action vis-à-vis the social rejection of migrants in the countries of destination (ECLAC,
2002).
The above observations provide a frame of reference to better understand the role of
remittances. In addition to opening up the possibility of establishing positive links with
which to incorporate new technologies and promote productive investment in the countries
of origin, emigration also represents a source of foreign exchange for migration countries
and for communities and families in these countries. According to one ECLAC estimate,
based on the balance-of-payments of such countries, in the year 2000 the total amount of
remittances transferred by Latin American and West Indian emigrants reached approximately
US$ 18 billion (more than one-third of which was sent to Mexico). It is noteworthy that
during the 1990's the annual average growth rate of this income topped 13% and exceeded
20% in the cases of Ecuador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Peru (ECLAC, 2002).17 With regard to their macroeconomic impact, it may be pointed out
that these remittances account for between 8% and 14% of the GDP of the economies of El
Salvador, Nicaragua, the Dominican Republic and Jamaica (and equal 48% of the total value
of El Salvador's exports). (ECLAC, 2002).
Samuel (2000) argues that remittances may be viewed as part of a time-differed contractual
arrangement that accrues benefits to both the migrants and their families back home. This
arrangement involves the investment that a family makes in one of its members, when
defraying education costs, in the hope that upon migrating he or she will compensate such
expenses through remittances. This is a risky investment whose risk, however, will
decrease once that person migrates.
Studies conducted by ECLAC (2000b) in Central America reveal that most remittances are to
support the family, although some contribution is also made to home improvement, the
purchase of land and to working capital. Remittances play a vital role in the support of
the family. Given the strong emphasis on consumption, often the socio-economic impact of
these transfers beyond the family is underestimated (Torres, 2000). Indeed, if this
consumption were merely superfluous, remittances' contribution to development would be
limited in the sense that they would only promote the dependency of families (and local
communities) on an external source of saving whose stability is not insured (regularity
and continuity of cash flows). However, if these remittances were used to finance the
costs of quality education, to improve health and to increase living standards and
productivity, they would make a far more significant contribution to development.
Information on how families use remittances is not systematic and is ambiguous. Even so,
the most recent studies conducted in Mexico (1999) and in the Dominican Republic (1997)
reveal that the amounts earmarked for investment range from 15% to 23% of the total
resources sent by emigrants to their families in the countries of origin. If the latter
figure is taken as a reference for the five countries specified above, it may be concluded
that the estimated overall total of the investment in 1999 was almost US$ 1. 4 billion, a
sum equal to allocations made by social investment funds for social infrastructure for the
same year (Torres, 2000). In light of the vast amounts of resources involved in family
remittances, certain Mexican states have devised local investment instruments to finance
infrastructure works and productive projects designed to retain local populations in heavy
emigration areas. Such instruments serve as shared financing mechanisms, as they are
supported by contributions (drawn from some of the profits obtained from the transfer of
remittances) from financial intermediation agencies established by the states involved and
by the emigrants themselves.
In the Dominican Republic, programs have been designed to promote the development of
community projects and micro-enterprises, with the participation of families receiving
remittances. In addition to family remittances, there are other types of collective
remittances usually organized by emigrant associations in order to finance community
projects in their places of origin. With a view to strengthening the impact of these
investments, Mexico has devised a financing mechanism in which emigrants, together with
the central, state and municipal public sector, are actively involved (ECLAC, 2000b and
2002).
Beyond the initiatives designed to facilitate the transfer of remittances and to foster
the use of such remittances in productive investments, one complex issue concerning these
transfers is the effect they have on income distribution patterns. As Samuel (2000)points
out, if there were any reliable basis for the theoretical assumption that the remittances
sent to poor households are higher, one logical consequence of such flows would be the
improvement in income distribution. However, background data -albeit insufficient- does
not validate this assumption. Given that the tendency to migrate seems higher among groups
that are not poor and that the amounts transferred in remittances are closely related to
the jobs held by migrants in their countries of destination, it is likely that these
transfers do not really contribute to promoting higher levels of socio-economic equity in
the countries of origin. This assessment is further corroborated by the fact that during
the 1990s inequalities in income distribution and poverty levels rose in several countries
that received significant flows of remittances but register the lowest levels of per
capita social expenditure.
In summary, it is clear that the debate on the impact of remittances -and, in general, of
migration- on income distribution, poverty, and well-being is still far from being
settled. More obvious, however, is the fact that the initiatives designed to promote the
productive use of these remittances should be viewed as a complement to the development
efforts of the countries receiving them. Moreover, such initiatives should safeguard the
full respect of the decisions of those involved (ECLAC, 2002).
III. A Note on the Future of Global Migration and its Governability
The outlook described above is based on the most general empirical background information
available on migration trends in Latin America and the Caribbean until the 1990s. As the
information relates to the movement of people (strictly speaking, migrants) who have
changed their customary countries of residence, this panorama is not specific enough with
regard to other forms of global movements involving groups of people that in recent years,
might have developed or grown in relative importance. It is likely that the growing
openness of national economies, coupled with technological changes in the areas of
transport and communications and with the resulting reduction in constraints imposed by
physical distance and culture, will facilitate temporary, cyclical or circulatory
movements that do not involve changes of residence, and that will make contemporary
migration a more transnational process. Current global migration trends thus involve two
very different situations which may be superimposed, with considerable complexity, on the
three major patterns already identified. The paucity of adequate information therefore
tends to limit the scope of any significant study on global migration. This is
particularly true where the assessment of the potential impact of regional integration
processes undertaken in the 1990s is concerned. Notwithstanding all this, the scarcity of
information does not prevent any meaningful reflection (even somewhat speculatively) on
the uncertainties surrounding future trends and on the opportunities that will arise to
guide the countries involved along the path leading to the effective governability of
migration.
1. Migration and Globalization
Even though it is difficult to predict the effects of liberal economic reforms -even in
subregions engaged in integration schemes- it is logical to assume that, if the wide
inequalities in the relative development levels of countries persist, the inclination to
migrate will increase - at least in the medium to long term (ECLAC, 2002; Tuirán, 1998).
The growing intensity of economic interaction among countries and the increasing levels of
communication worldwide will contribute to making these inequalities more pronounced in
the eyes of local populations and will feed their hopes of migrating. Furthermore, it is
possible that the social networks set up by migrants will encourage potential migrants and
t assist them in realizing their aspirations (Alba, 1998). In the longer term, should the
development gaps widen, the tendency to migrate might become less intense. The only
plausible assumption underlying this assessment, however, is that socio-economic (and
cultural) convergence will eventually put a damper on migration as an option. Even so,
some specialists believe that should this occur it will be in the distant future, as
short- and medium-term market integration schemes may encourage migration given that the
job opportunities such schemes tend to offer will enable individuals to earn the resources
needed to finance travel expenses18. In addition, if such integration arrangements were to
lead to a breakdown in intensive labour production units, the resulting net effect would
be an increase in migration trends (Working Group on International Migration, 1998).
As current globalization trends do not point to a real decrease in the wide inequalities
between countries' relative development levels -and as migrant social and community
networks seem to have gained momentum- the tendency to migrate, according to all apparent
signs, will be spurred by the likely increase in job opportunities (and better salaries)
in a more informed and interconnected world. Thus, with the help of foreign direct
investment, the economic growth of the traditional labour exporting countries is likely to
generate a climate more favourable to emigration. (Alba, 1998; Rowlands and Weston, 1996;
Tuirán, 1998; Working Group on International Migration, 1998).
In this regard, the logical link between increased development and increased migration,
which may later result in a fall in migration trends, was described long ago with the
metaphor of the "migration hump", which refers to a transnational migration
process associated with economic growth strategies, including exchanging technology and
overcoming impediments, such as low wages and unemployment (Ghosh, 1997; Stalker, 2000).
One corollary of this is that, in the long term -and only as the development gap closes-
the intensity of migration may decrease. This hypothesis seems to have greater relevance
for the region's emigration flows (a typical case of south-north migration) than for the
interregional pattern, the future of which will depend more on the way in which the large
subregional integration areas are developed.
The above observations suggest that, at least in the short term, migration will continue
to exhibit an upward trend. Under such circumstances, there is a marked inconsistency
between the increased liberalization in the circulation of goods and services and the
rigorous government restrictions imposed on the movement of people. Such restriction have
been encouraged -and probably reinforced in current global trends- by the existence, in
more highly developed countries19, of
an environment that is socially averse to immigration. In the face of contemporary
economic processes, traditional, unilateral migration policies based on control seem to
lose legitimacy and effectiveness. (Escobar, 1998; Moulier-Boutang y Papademetriou, 1994;
Pellegrino, 1995). After scrutinizing the development of migration stocks, flows and
systems in the contemporary world, Tapinos and Delaunay (2000) have concluded that
persistent restrictions (whether implicit or explicit) on movement go against the
effective functioning of market forces (that favour migration) and lead to the absence of
a migrating globalization. This is particularly visible in the case of the migration of
highly qualified workers who may be better positioned to participate in today's movements
of people20,
but who are still likely to come up against the unyielding defence of the interests of
powerful guilds. This, in turn, leads to strict implementation of the so-called "rule
of priority" and thwarts the effective tapping of the potential involved. (ECLAC,
2002; Iredale, 1998). These and other factors, justify a word of caution on the creation
of the global market of skilled human resources (ECLAC, 2002; Pellegrino and Martínez,
2001).21
The unease and apparent resistance that migration engenders, particularly in developed
nations, may inhibit the potential of the market liberalization process to foster a more
equitable development worldwide. This very unease seems to be behind the almost systematic
exclusion of the topic of migration in negotiations leading to the signing of
multinational tariff and trade agreements. This act, however, is equivalent to making an
abstraction of reality - the exchange of human resources - and its perpetration involves
problems that may be tackled by means of joint efforts to address in such issues as
enhanced labour conditions and genuine enforcement of the rights of migrants. This is why
Tapinos and Delaunay (2000) argue that, although in years gone by, migration played a
fundamental role in the fostering of socio-economic links between countries, today it is
excluded from the globalization process.
2. Migration and Integration within the Context of Globalization
In view of the expectations and uncertainties raised by the initiatives aimed at promoting
the economic integration of the countries of the Americas; of the experience accumulated
in the area of subregional agreements and of the acknowledgment of the region's increasing
openness to the rest of the world, proposals for an open regionalism take on greater
force.22 These proposals
have won general acceptance from governments and civilians in societies throughout the
region and have opened up new possibilities for explicitly addressing the problems of, and
potential benefits to be derived from migration. These possibilities will increase if
integration schemes are geared toward optimising "the full range of economic,
cultural and political opportunities" involved, instead of being restricted to a
purely "market-based conception". (Di Filippo, 1998). In addition to benefiting
from the enormous geographical, economic, cultural and political advantages to be found in
the area, and to reinforcing democratic regimes, open regionalism can also encourage the
linking of common interests, by guaranteeing the protection of the human rights of
immigrants and by promoting a decrease in the various forms of illegal immigration, the
battle against the trade in humans, the establishment of shared information systems, the
alignment of migration policies, the signing of agreements in such areas as job protection
and the transfer (and shared employment) of skilled human resources and, generally
speaking, the enforcement of agreements on the treatment of migrants.
The task of designing policies in the area of population movements is still incomplete,
and its absolute importance is evidenced by the difficulty of acknowledging and facing
realities with the potential to compromise the international community. Such a task calls
for the combined effort and cooperation of the countries involved to ensure that migration
processes are properly conducted within the wider context of social equality.23 In the area of subregional integration efforts, this task may be
complemented by the strengthening of institutional mechanisms to foster the alignment of
national migration policies. A sign of progress in this regard is the Regional Conference
on Migration (set up in 1996 in Puebla, Mexico), a consultation and communication body of
which the countries of the North American continent and Central America are members. A
similar initiative involving the countries of South America is currently being developed.
If it is accepted as a basic principle that the right of each State to control the entry
of foreigners is only one aspect of global migration and that this right does not, in
absolute terms, go against the criteria of admission common to the countries in the
region, then it is possible to analyse the feasibility of agreements on other areas of
migration, such as those related to the world of work and to social security benefits and
to the reunion of families (CEPAL/CELADE, 1995).
Addressing the numerous issues associated with global migration requires the eradication
of essentially restrictive regulatory, official and unilateral views, shared by a
significant portion of public opinion, which nurture existing prejudices about the
migration. As Sassen (2001) argues, the above also involves taking up the challenge of
examining the true nature of the control exercised by the State, but it also implies
encouraging progressive flexibility, which will decisively contributes to the sort of
migration management needed to facilitate migration and to safeguard the populations
involved. (ECLAC, 2002). Thus, the policies which, for example, are designed to promote
the global transfer of human resources, may serves as effective channels for fostering the
dissemination and globalization of technological exchange as part of a scientific and
technological common market sponsored by international cooperation and for opening up
possibilities for participation by public and private agents (OIM, 1993; Pellegrino,
2000).
In other words, joint efforts can contribute to more coherent national regulations, to
making national regulations more consistent with contemporary global political and
economic trends and to optimising on the benefits to be derived from migration, with
regard to economic growth and to socially sustainable development. Therefore, far beyond
their specifically administrative scope, migration policies must aim at fostering a
strategy for governing the movement of people, which should be fully in keeping with
development strategies (Mármora, 1997) and which the countries of Latin America and the
Caribbean should firmly hold on to in the face of threats of any kind.
In conclusion, it is fitting to reiterate the opportunity that subregional integration
agreements offer, in this regard, to spur progress, acknowledging the multi-sectoral
character of issues relating global migration and adopting policies guided by the
principles of convergence. All this contributes to the establishment of common principles
for addressing continent-wide negotiations.
11
These repercussions vary, among other factors, according to the profiles of emigrants
(qualification level, type of entry into the labor force, legal status of residency), to
links between them and their homes and communities of origin, to their involvement in
migrant associations in the countries of destination and to the period of time they spend
abroad.
12 With regard to extra-regional
migration, the available data show a predominance of women in the cases of Australia,
Italy and Spain.
13 This trend seems to be confirmed by the
data gathered from the Current Population Survey of the United States for the year 2000
(Schmidley, 2001).
14 The fact that Latin American
immigration is written
in the feminine
in countries, such as Spain, does not give any reason to sustain the hypothesis that it is
a definite project, as Izquierdo (2001) points out, with respect to the studies conducted
in immigrant communities in the region.
15 While the data are not strictly
comparable, the Current Population Survey of the United States for the year 2000 yields a
figure of 1 million Latin American and West Indian professionals and technicians, or 12%
of the immigrant labor force from the area (Schmidley, 2001, pg. 41).
16 In the United States, the immigration
of indocumented Latin Americans and West Indians seems to have encouraged a more relaxed
labor market needed to strengthen the competitiveness of the American economy (Escobar,
1998). The sustainable demand for inexpensive manpower, even during periods of recession,
may be interpreted as a sign of effectiveness of this immigration (Bustamante, 1994).
17 In 1999, the per capita value of
remittances rose to US$ 218 in El Salvador and to US$ 179 in the Dominican Republic
(Torres, 2000).
18 Several authors even maintain that the
development of traditionally labor-issuing countries will, in the short term, encourage
emigration as an option, and that even if trade helps to generate employment, this
strategy will, by itself, not be enough to retain local populations in their places or
origin (Rowlands y Weston, 1996).
19 Blatant signs of this adverse social climate are the
debate on sustained migration at the last meeting of the European Union (held in Seville
in June 2002) and the passing of a new Immigration Law in Italy (July 2002) with strict
requirements governing conditions for entry and residence, as well as penalties for those
violating the law which it a uniquely tough measure. (Consequently, the right to reunions
with families is restricted to underage and disabled offspring [sic]) (www.elmundo.es).
20 Many developed countries have enforced
flagrantly aggressive regulations favoring the "importation of human capital".
Furthermore, the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) provides for the temporary
movement of individuals who meet certain training requirements (ECLAC, 2002).
21 Even so, "skilled migration"
does not show any sign of abatement, thus posing challenges for the countries of origin.
Vis-à-vis the traditional initiatives which were aimed at retaining potential
participants of the brain drain - and which had little impact in the region because they
compromised the rights of the individuals involved- it seems more realistic to accept the
convenience of encouraging the circulation and exchange of workers of this kind (brain
circulation y brain exchange) with the purpose of having migrants serve as links between
the local and global scientific and technological development networks and as agents of
for the transfer of know-how and technology (ECLAC, 2002; Pellegrino, 2000; Pellegrino and
Martínez, 2001).
22 Open regionalism is viewed as a "a
regional process of growing economic interdependency, boosted both by preferential
integration agreements and by other policies within the context of openness and
deregulation, with the aim of bolstering up the competitiveness of the countries of the
region" (ECLAC, 1994, p. 8).
23 The challenges that migration poses for
the countries involved include, above all, assessing their economic decisions (motivating
factors) and socio-cultural decisions (perpetuating factors); identifying external factors
(the transfer of skilled human resources, illegal immigration, reunions with families and
remittance flows); examining the various forms of migration (traditional and innovative);
analyzing different forms of intervention (promoting permanent settlement, channeling
flows, temporary segmentation of movements); and generally speaking, aligning social
policies that will directly influence the conditions of migrants.
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